Monday, January 27, 2020
Globalisation and Formula One
Globalisation and Formula One ABSTRACT It is often argued whether motorsport is a proper sport, and thus can be examined as such by researchers. In this essay, Formula One, for many the most important form of motorsport, is compared to established sports such as football and the Olympic Games, in terms of structure, their respective governing bodies, and their characteristics. For the latter, it has been discussed whether Formula One is a socio-cultural sport or a commercial one, as these are identified by K. Foster. Moreover, the role televison played into growing the sports popularity is examined. Finally, there has been a comparison between two important personalities of football and Formula One, Dr Joao Havelange and Bernie Ecclestone respectively, in an attempt to examine to what extent individuals can have an influence on a sports development. Introduction Ever since the replacement of post modernity with globalisation as the predominant social theory (T. Miller et al, 2001), academics of sport have taken an interest on International Sport Governing bodies and their role in an era where, (according to the hyperglobalist tradition at least (D. Held et all, 1999), nation states and their institutions are going into decline. The two most commonly mentioned (and researched) International Sport Institutions are FIFA ( J. Sugden and A. Tomlinson 1999, J. Sugden and A. Tomlinson 2003), (the International Federation of Football Associations) and the IOC (the International Olympic Committee), (M. Roche, 2000). These are the respective governing bodies of football and the Olympic Games worldwide, and subsequently responsible of staging the worlds two most popular sporting events; the FIFA World Cup and the Olympic Games. This essay will attempt to investigate in what extent does a slightly different sport, motor racing (through its most popu lar discipline, F1 GP racing), complies with the trademarks in world sport organisation set by the aforementioned institutions. For this purpose, I have opted to compare the structure of FIFA and the FIA (Federation Internationale de l Automobile), as well as the two sports (from their league structure point of view mainly),. Before that, however, I have decided to outline some of the characteristics of motor sport, which make it defer from mainstream bodily sports, as well as clarify some definitions and terminology that is widely used to describe it. Moreover, I have seeked to make a comparison between the two individuals that transformed these two organisations into what they are today: Dr Joao Havelange and Bernie Ecclestone. The role of these individuals within the structures of the Fedrations will be examined, taking into account the existing theories concerning agency, which try to understand the role individuals can play in a social system. Specifically, the essay will focus on the impact Havelange (as FIFA president from 1974-1998) and Ecclestone (as F1s commercial rights holder) had in what Miller refers to as Televisualisation (Miller et all, op. cit. p. 4) of sport. Televisualisation, along with Commodification (ibid, p. 4), will be further discussed, as they were the key factors that resulted in the economic growth of both FIFA and FIA, by being the marketing tools for boosting the image of football and motor racing worldwide. As a conclusion, some thoughts about the commercial future of Formula One will be outlined, mostly influenced by Sugden and Tomlinsons thoughts on the future of FIFA (J. Sugden and A. Tomlinson 2005). Unfortunately, due to the relative lack of scholarly sources on motor racing, historical information has been gathered mostly from journalistic sources, with every attempt made to ensure these are credible ones. The same applies to information acquired from the World Wide Web, where only established sites (such as the FIA official site, the Financial Times and the European Union) have been used. Finally, as most of the original notes for this essay had been in Greek, I have used the Oxford Greek-English Learners Dictionary as a reference (D. N. Stavropoulos, 2004). The nature of Motor Sport Due to its peculiarities, motor sport is not a popular participant sport, unlike football. Whereas football is easy to play, requiring minimum equipment such as a ball and two posts, and can take any place in any open space, motor sport is centred around such a sophisticated equipment as a racing car, which is very expensive to purchase and run, and it is restricted to specifically designed race tracks. Many consider it not to be a proper sport; First, because a drivers ability is compromised by the competitiveness of his or her equipment, and therefore not always the most capable can challenge for victory, if they are not well-equipped. Secondly, because mainstream sport in most cases involves an athlete physically using his/her body to perform. A person sitting on a car is not considered as a true athlete, although in the higher disciplines, such as F1, a driver has to endure lateral forces of up to 4g for approximately 1 and a half hour (the average duration of a GP race), and at the same time being completely concentrated in order to achieve consecutive laps with accuracy of tenths of a second. Motor Sport has various disciplines, which, unlike many other sports, are available for representatives of both genders to participate in and compete against each other. The motor sport discipline whose structure will be compared to football will be Formula One, for many the highest echelon of motor racing (Table 1). More specifically, with Formula One we refer to the Formula One World Championship, which is regulated by the FIA. Racing Type Power Output (in bhp) Champ Car 750 Formula 1 750 F1 equivalency Formula 750 Indy Racing League 670 Grand Prix Masters 650 GP2 580 A1GP 520 Table 1: (Power outputs of racing categories (F1Racing magazine 2006) Definitions What is Formula One The name Formula One was only introduced in 1947 when racing activities resumed after the 2nd World War. Formula 1 was actually a code used to identify the technical regulations under which grand prix cars should be run at the races. Formula 1 racing began in 1947 therefore, although only in 1950 was a World Championship for Formula one cars organised (A. Cimarosti). However, F1 as a discipline exists in other sports as well, for example powerboating. What is a Grand Prix The first Grand Prix (grand prize) for automobiles was organised as such for the first time in 1906 by the AFC (Automobile Club de France) (ibid). Ever since it has become almost synonymous with big motor sport events, and with Formula One since the inception of the World Championship in 1950. The term Grand Prix though is also used in other sports, such as motorcycle racing and some IAAF meetings. Ownership of Formula One the FIA The FIA owns the name Formula One World Championship'(www. fia.com. 2006). In their website the FIA describe themselves as a non-profit making association (www.fia.com/thefia/Organisation/organisation.html 2006) who, since its birth in 1904, (it) has been dedicated to representing the interests of motor organisations and motor car users throughout the world. It is also the governing body of motor sport worldwide (ibid). Today it consists of 213 national motoring organisations from 125 countries (www.fia.com/thefia/Membership/index_membershtml, 2006). We should bear in mind that unlike for example FIFA, which only has authority over football, the FIA is responsible for all the types of car racing (rallying, racing, hill climbing etc), but that does not include motorcycle racing, which is the responsibility of the FIM (Federation International of Motorcycle). The date of its foundation suggests it was conceived during a time when, according to Miller again, it was Europes high point for setting in place the global governance of sport. Miller points out that most of the worlds governing bodies were founded after the proclamation of the Olympic movement at the turn of the century; he also goes on to mention the establishment of equivalents for football, cricket, athletics and tennis (T. Miller et al, op. cit. p. 10 ). However, one of the peculiarities of the FIA is that it is not entirely a sporting body (see Table 2). FIA General Assembly FIA President Deputy President                                  FIA Senate                                  Deputy President (Mobility and Automobile)                                                                        (Sport) FIA World Council for Mobility and the Automobile                     World Motor Sport Council Mobility and Automobile Commissions                                          Sporting Commissions International Court of appeal Secretariat Table 2. The structure of the FIA (www.fia.com, 2006 ). Instead, the FIA consists of the World council for Mobility and the Automobile, and the World Motor Sport council. The World Motor Sport Council is the world governing body of the FIA Formula One World Championship. This is the sporting branch of the FIA under whose jurisdiction come all forms of international motor sport involving land vehicles with four or more wheels.  Of significant importance is the existence of the FIA International Court of Appeal, which is the final appeal tribunal for international motor sport. ()Iit resolves disputes brought before it by any motor sports National Sporting Authorities worldwide, or by the President of the FIA. It can also settle non-sporting disputes brought by national motor racing organisations affiliated to the FIA (www.fia.com/thefia/Court_of_appeal/index.html, 2006). The existence of the International Court of Appeal within the FIA structure points out to what Ken Foster refers to private justice among global sporting organisations. He argues that the intent [] is to create a zone of private justice within the sporting field of regulation that excludes judicial supervision or intervention with the decision-making process of international sporting federations. It denies athletes -[and teams]- access to national courts and leaves them dependent on the arbitrary justice of the international sporting federation themselves. Athletes can claim redress only from an arbitration panel created and appointed by the international sporting federation itself [], (K. Foster, 2005). It appears that the FIA has followed FIFAs and the IOCs example, in taking advantage of the difficulties of monitoring INGOs. Foster underlines that states are unwilling or incapable of challenging the power of international sporting federations[] (ibid. p.68). In addition, he points out alternative ways of avoiding legal scrutiny by making it compulsory in their rules that disputes go only to private arbitration, and by asking athletes to sign agreements not tot take legal action against international sporting federations'(ibid. p.69). Indeed, according to Allison, [modern sport] has developed highly autonomous international organisations () (L. Allison and T Monnington, 2005). In the same text, Foster has previously commented on the general attitude of powerful sporting bodies: Historically, sport has been governed by management structures that were hierarchical and authoritarian. Their ideology, and often their legal form, was that of a private club (). The commercialisation, and the later commodification [which will be discussed later on this essay] of sport put pressure on their legal form. Private clubs began to exercise significant economic power over sport. (). International sporting bodies, as federations of national associations, in turn organised global sport. () the need for due process in decision-making and the need to prevent abuses of dominant power within the sport were two important consequences of this [the] legal intervention (K Foster, in Allison, 2005).  So far it appears that the FIA is complying with the models of regulation of FIFA and the IOC in certain aspects, such as being an International Non-Government- Organisation (INGO). But, because of its very nature, the motor sport governing body does not entirely follow FIFAs and the IOCs patterns. For example, Sugden and Tomlinson (again), argue that drawing upon Archers classification of types of international organisations, (C. Archer, 1992), () since its foundation in 1904, FIFA has transformed itself from and INGO (International Non-Government- Organisation) into a BINGO (Business International Non-Government Organisation (), (J Sugden and A Tomlinson, 2005). They go on to comment that FIFAs reason for existence has been increasingly profit-driven () and has become a leading example of the professionalisation and commercialisation of modern sport (), (Ibid. p.27). From a capitalistic point of view, one would assume that it would be normal for every organisation to seek p rofit. Sugden and Tomlinson, though, observe that such commercial activity coming from INGOs is illegal, and refer to Morozovs claim: As Morozov states, the aims and activities of an international organisation must be in keeping with the universally accepted principles of international law embodied in the charter of the United Nations and must not have a commercial character or pursue profit-making aims, ( G. Morozov, (1997). ( However, the FIA cannot be considered to belong in the category of INGOs becoming BINGOs. Like FIFA and the IOC, it has opted to locate its corresponding offices in Switzerland (www.fia.com/global/contacts .html, 2006), something which, as Sugden and Tomlinson point out, underlines [FIFAs] political and fiscal autonomy (and unaccountability), ( J Sugden and A Tomlinson, 1998); but it has not directly benefited economically by promoting the Formula One World Championship. Although it states that part of its resources shall be derived from income arising directly or indirectly from sporting activities, including the FIA champions (www.fia.com/thefia/statutes/Files/index, 2006), hips, it cannot benefit directly from exploiting Formula Ones and other FIA championships commercial rights. Foster, again, gives a detailed account of how the case of motor sport became a unique example of governmental intrusion into a global sporting bodys self-regulation, ( K Foster, in Allison 2005). According to a European Commission principal, a governing body of sport needs to separate its regulation of the sport from its commercial activities in promoting events and in maximising their commercial value; a governing body must not use its regulatory functions improperly to exclude its commercial rivals from the sport (Official European Journal, 13/06/01, Cases COMP/35.163: COMP/36.638; COMP/36.776. GTR/FIA others, 2005). It is suggested that FIA used its monopoly positio n by the threat of imposing sanctions to drivers, circuits, teams and promoters who wouldnt grant them exclusivity, thus rendering them unable to compete in rival series. Moreover, broadcasters who televised rival events were given least favourable agreements (K Foster in Allison, 2005). The result of the European Commissions intervention was the change of regulations on behalf of the FIA: They insisted on a complete separation of the regulatory function of FIA, as the governing body of the sport, and its commercial function of exploiting the broadcasting rights to all motor sport events under its jurisdiction. The separation is (was) designed to prevent conflicts of interest. The Commission also limited the extent to which FIA, as the regulator of the sport, can take measures to prevent rival promoters of events competing with FIAs events. The Commission wanted to separate the function of the FIA in promoting events (and thereby gaining commercial benefit) from that of licensing events as part of its regulatory function. The role of a governing body, according to the Commission, is to act fairly and create a level playing field so that all promoters of events are treated equally and carefully (Ibid. p.84). Foster justifies the Commissions decision thus: The differen t approach by the Commission can be explained because motor sport is a globalised, rather than an internationalised, sport. It had a commercial structure of management and offered no cultural or social justification of its anti-competitive behaviour. As such it was subject to normal commercial criteria in its regulation, (Ibid); and goes on to comment that this example may be unusual in that there was an excessive intermingling of the regulatory and commercial functions within the governing structures of international motor sport. However, it indicates that regional regulation can be effective and that the fear that globalised sport can escape all regulation and be immune from legal intervention may be exaggerated (Ibid). Structure of the FIA Formula One World Championship Indeed, the structure of the FIA Formula One World Championship seems very much to resemble the American (commercial) model of sport, although being originally a European concept, as described above. Foster, once again, offers the key characteristics in American and European sport. (see Table 3.) European (socio-cultural) American (Commercial) Organisational motive Sporting Competition Profit League structure Open Pyramid. Promotion and relegation Closed league; ring-fenced Governing bodys role Vertical solidarity; sport for all Profit maximisation; promote elite stars as celebrities Cultural Identity National leagues; local teams. Opposition to relocation of teams transnational leagues Transnational or global leagues; footloose franchises International Competitions Important for National Identity Non-existent or minimal Structure of governance Single representative federal body League or commissioner Table 3. (European model of sport vs American model of sport), (Ibid. p.74). By attempting to compare the structures of football and Formula One, we can relatively easily identify that the former belongs to the European tradition. It was indeed conceived as a sporting competition first and foremost. It is rather doubtful that there had been a plan to make profit out of football when the FA was founded in 1886. The open pyramid system is adopted, with clubs being promoted and relegated form the divisions of their national leagues, depending on their performance. Football has been conceived as a sport for all, and FIFAs initiatives such as the goal project confirm this (J Sugdan and A Tomlinson, 2003). Moreover, with the existence of events such as the FIFA World Cup which is exclusively contested for by National teams, the importance of national identity in football is displayed. Finally, the FIFA remains the only representative body for the sport. In contrast, the structure of the FIA Formula One World Championship complies in general terms with the Ameri can (commercial one), although with few noticeable exceptions. It should be noted that, before starting to analyse Formula One racing using this model, we can identify in its nature all but one of the strands that are identified by Scholte, (A. J. Scholte, 2000). The only one absent is Internationalisation, as there are no international competitions in Formula One. Instead, it is an entirely globalised sport. There are no national Formula One championships. The only Formula One championship organised today is the World Championship. Liberalisation, universalisation and, most importantly, globalisation are all evident: Liberalisation: There are no cross border restrictions in Formula One, as it does not operate on a national level. The races can be held in any country, provided it has an FIA- affiliated national sporting body, and drivers and teams can come form any country as well. Universalisation: ()A global sport () needs to be simple in its structure and thus readily understood by those who have never played the game before, (Foster, in Allison, p. 66). This is more than evident in Formula One, whereas although most people are unlikely to have driven a Formula One car in full racing trim, unless they are professional racing drivers, they can easily understand its concept, that the faster car wins the race.          Globalisation/ Americanisation: Rationalisation of Formula One has been achieved since its conception in 1950. Written rules were adopted and a championship was organised in order to rationally identify (Ibid), the best driver, (and the best team in 1958 with the introduction of the Constructors championship). In addition, it also complies with imperialism and westernization. Foster comments that Developing countries are excluded because they have fewer facilities (). Sports like motor racing require massive technical capital that excludes them (Ibid). De-Territorialisation: Foster observes that we have global broadcasting of sport and global fans; (Ibid. p.67), and goes on to quote Giulianotti: Globalisation brings with it a disembedding of local social and political ties between club [-in Formula Ones case, team] and community (R. Giulianotti, 2005). This is again present in the case of Formula One. As races are not contested in the teams home grounds, but rather, in race tracks scattered throughout the world, there is not much connection between their national identity (with the exception of Ferrari, who still carries some sense of Italian-ness). Re-location for Formula One teams is usual, provided this gives them a better chance of winning. Hence, Renault are based in Enstone, UK, Toyota in Cologne, Germany, etc. Furthermore, the ease with which teams can change their identity overnight is unique: The tartan-liveried team of former Scottish triple World Champion Jackie Stewart, founded in 1997 was turned into Jaguar in 2000, proudly painted in British Racing Green colour, and Red Bull in 2005, after the name of an Austrian-made energy drink. The globalised nature of Formula One (especially in its difference to internationalised sport) has also been identified by Houlihan: Globalised sport () has rootless teams, with multi national or nationally ambiguous teams ( B. Houlihan, 2005), [for example McLaren are a British team, founded by a New Zealander (Bruce McLaren), have a German engine provider (Mercedes) and their drivers come from Finland (Kimi Raikkonen) and Colombia (Juan Pablo Montoya)]. These rootless, de-territorialised sports are often typified by their identification with commercial sponsors. [for example Scuderia Ferrari Marlboro, and Mild Seven Benetton Renault F1 Team]. Formula One teams are defined by their manufacturers, such as Ferrari (Ibid).   Going back to the American vs European model, we have already argued that although Formula One racing was conceived in Europe on the turn of the 20th century, its current management has rendered it a primarily profit-making sport. One could argue that until 1968, when cigarette advertising (and generally corporate advertising) appeared in Formula One, (http://8w.forix.com/love.html, see also http://8w.forix.com/myths.html, 2005), the sport belonged to the European tradition. Up until then, any profit made was incidental, not central. Only starting and prize money was available to the competitors. In the 1970s, with sponsorship cash and television money heavily influencing the sport (P. Menard, 2004), Formula One became a profit-making sport. The role of television coverage in that will be discussed later in the essay. As for the league structure of Formula One, it is totally commercial. As mentioned before, there is only one Formula One contest, the World Championship. Entry to it is not based on a promotion system, but strictly on capitalistic values. In other words, only those who can afford it can enter. A recent example was that of the new Super Aguri racing team. Although the rules state that applications to compete in the Championship may be submitted to the FIA () two years prior to the Championship in which the applicant wishes to compet (), (www.fia.com /resources/documents/, 2006), the team applied in autumn 2005. However, the application was successful. On January 2006, FIA issued the following statement: Following receipt of the necessary financial guarantee and with the unanimous support of the competing teams, the FIA has accepted the late entry of the Super Aguri F1 Team to the 2006 Formula One World Championship, (http://www.motorsport.com/news/article.asp?ID=208865FS=F1, 2 006). This incident is characteristic of an American-type closed league, as Foster describes it: The entry [to the league] is controlled by the incumbents. There is a fixed number of teams in the league [in Formula Ones case, the highest number of cars that can take part in the Championship is 24] with no relegation. New teams cannot break into the closed shop unless the league decides that its overall economic wealth will be improved by expansion franchises. The economic risks of sporting failure are reduced and this makes capital investment in a team franchise more attractive (K. Foster, in Allison (2005), p. 75). In terms of the Governing bodys role, it is also an occasion where F1 follows the American model. Vertical solidarity is non-existent, as there are no lower Formula One leagues. Even for motor sport in general, Formula One revenues are not redistributed to lower formulae, and there is no effort to make motor racing a sport for all. Only whoever can afford motor racing can enter it. Formula One seeks to maximise its profits by commodificating itself. Elite stars are promoted as celebrities. For example, an attempt to present Jenson Button as a star has taken place in Britain, while in the case of Germany, Lincoln Allison and Terry Monnington comment: (Lotthar Matthaus), Michael Schumacher, (and Bernhard Langer) have been more importantly formative of young peoples images of Germany in the last generation that have Fichte, Hegel and Bismark, (L. Allison and T. Monningtonin, 2005). The American model seems to suit Formula One best again when questions about its relation to national identity arise. What Foster observes as a characteristic of the American model, is that there is little sense of national identity (). The leagues identification of its supporters is one of commercial customers rather than fans. The business can and will be moved whenever commercial considerations dictate, more like a supermarket chain than a sports team, (Foster, in Allison p. 75). This is partly true for Formula One and relevant to de-territorilisation. Most teams can relocate, as mentioned, and race venues can be changed, as was the case in recent years, with traditional European races (like the Austrian GP) being dropped from the calendar in favour of new venues in Asia (Bahrain, Malaysia, Turkey, China). However, when the sport was conceived, (prior to advertising) the racing cars would be usually painted in their national colours (green for Britain, blue for France, silver for Germany, Red for Italy etc). Today only Ferrari maintains some sense of national identity, being the only team remaining of those who took part in the inaugural 1950 World Championship; and they are still carrying the traditional racing colours (Rosso Corse). It is the only team that has fans (usually fans support drivers, not teams), the tifosi, and the race tracks of Imola and Monza are considered their home. In a lesser extent, that could apply to British teams and the Silverstone circuit. Few customs that refer to the presence of nationalism in past years still remain. One such example is the playing of the national anthem for both winning driver and constructor during the award-giving ceremony. At the same time, the hoisting of the flags in honour of the first, second and third drivers takes place. Another is the existence of a small flag next to the name of the driver, to indicate his or her nationality, on their racing overalls and on the sides of the cars cockpit. Finally, there are no national teams competitions in Formula One, (In 2006, a rival series to F1, A1GP appeared), and, as mentioned before, the FIA is the only regulating sporting body. Televisualisation However, we have seen that in practice, because of the aforementioned intervention of the European Commission in the governing of Formula One, many key decisions about the sport are taken by the person who administrates its commercial rights and not the governing body. This person could be considered the equivalent of a commissioner in a commercial model. In the case of Formula One, he is Bernie Ecclestone, through his FOM company. FOA/FOM, companies controlled by () Ecclestone, are engaged in the promotion of the FIA Formula One Championship. The 1998 Concorde Agreement provides that FOA is the Commercial Rights Holder to the FIA Formula One Championship. FOA is thus responsible for televising and generally commercializing the Championship. On 28 May 1999, FOA changed its name to Formula One Management Limited (FOM) which manages the rights. The commercial rights themselves were taken over by an associated company, now also named FOA, (http://europa.eu.int/eur-lex/pri/en/oj/dat/2001/c_169/c_16920010613en00050011.pdf). Miller underlines the importance of televisualisation in sport: Television was the prime motor in the development of post-war sport() helping to constitute a sports/media complex or media-sports-culture complex of sports organisation, media/marketing organisations, and media personnel (broadcasters and journalists). Dependency of sports organi
Sunday, January 19, 2020
Research Methodology Essay
â€Å"The study of man contains a greater variety of intellectual styles than any other area of cultural endeavor. How different social scientists go about their work, and what they aim t accomplish by it, often do not seem to have a common denominator †¦ Let us admit the case of our critics from the humanities and from the experimental sciences: Social science as a whole is both intellectually and morally confused. And what is called sociology is very much in the middle of this confusion. †Wright Mills Images of Man Abstract The quest for knowledge has always been at the forefront of societies mind. What makes us tick as a society or an individual, what circumstances have to come about to lead to different phenomena to occur? Sociologists, psychologists, philosophers and social scientists have spent eons of time pondering on these questions. Research is the way in which these questions may be answered, but the question remains, as to what type of research leads us to the right answer or, if there is a right answer, what is the one true answer? If different research methods produce different answers, which is the right, the true answer and if we find it does this render all the other answers null or wrong? These are some of the questions that I will be asking in this paper through examining concepts such as the symbolic order in research, the role of emotions in research, the grouping together of different methodologies to create a clearer picture of the research and the importance of reflexivity during the research process. Keywords; emotions, symbolic order, reflexivity. The word research originates from the late 16th century French word recerche, re (expressing intensive force) and cherchier to search. It means the systematic investigation into and study of materials and sources in order to establish facts and reach new conclusions. In this essay I will be focusing on qualitive research methods, examining some of the problems that may be encountered when conducting social research and how these problems may be overcome and used to advantage. Qualitative research takes an interpretive, naturalistic approach to its subject matter; qualitative researchers study things in their natural settings, attempting to make sense of, or interpret, phenomena in terms of the meanings that people bring to them. This process begins by understanding that there are a variety of ways of making sense of the world and therefore focuses on discovering the meanings that are seen by those who are being researched, to better understand their view of the world. The methodology used in research will vary in accordance with the research being conducted, this can be limiting if a type of methodology is decided on and rigidly adhered to throughout the research leaving no room for reconsideration or change of view. Different Methodological Approaches. The manner in which sociologists study society varies greatly between individual sociologists. There are many reasons for these varying views such as backgrounds, culture, family influences, religion and experiences with these experiences leading them to come to certain conclusions about certain situations. For this reason it is important not to rely on one type of sociological perspective which may constrict the researcher in the researching of certain phenomena. In research however objectively the reality of the social world was approached, its meaning was never self evident but always subject to interpretation with this interpretation being subject to the researchers biases formed out of the afore mentioned factors. Some of the different methods of researching or research style are Positivism which means scientific; positivists would argue that it is possible and desirable to study social behavior in ways similar to those used by natural scientists when studying the natural world. The interpretive approach to research has been gaining attention in recent years as an alternative to the more traditional positivist approach (Lee 342). Lee describes the interpretive approach as â€Å"such procedures as those associated with ethnography, hermeneutics, phenomenology and case studies. By the positivist he refers to inferential statistics, hypothesis testing, mathematical analysis and experimental and quasi experimental design. Ethnography (Greek ethnos = folk/people and graphein = writing) is a qualitative research method often used in the social sciences, particularly in anthropology and in sociology. It is often employed for gathering empirical data on human societies/cultures. Data collection is often done through participant observation, interviews, questionnaires, etc. Ethnography aims to describe the nature of those who are studied (i. e. to describe a people, an ethnos) through writing. In the biological sciences, this type of study might be called a â€Å"field study†or a â€Å"case report,†both of which are used as common synonyms for â€Å"ethnography. Lee states that the difference between positivist and interpretive approaches has been described as objective versus subjective (Burrell and Morgan 1979), outsider versus insider (Evered and Louis 1981), quantitive versus qualitive (Van Mannen 1979) and etic versus emic (Morey and Luthans 1984). In literature it may seem that these 2 methods of research are opposed and irreconcilable and there is some concern over what Morey and Luthans call the â€Å"widening gap between the two major orientations to organizational research†(1984, 84). Lee puts forward the idea of joining the two methodologies together as he argues that they both have something to offer the researcher. He devised a framework called three levels of understanding. [pic] The first level belongs to the observed human subjects, this consists of common sense and meanings which are true for these subjects and how they see themselves, which give rise to the behavior that they manifest in socially constructed settings. The second belongs to the observing organizational researcher. This understanding according to Lee is the researchers reading and interpretation of the first level, common sense understanding where the researcher may use concepts such as subjective interpretation, the hermeneutical circle or thick description. The third level of understanding also belongs to the researcher. This understanding is one that the researcher creates and tests in order to explain the empirical reality that he is investigating. This explanation is called scientific theory is made up of constructs that belong only to the observing researcher. This explanation consists of formal positions that typically posit the existence of unobservable entities such as social structure, issues that may attempt to account for the influence of certain factors of which the observed subjects may not even be aware. The above diagram shoes the flow of ideas and understanding between the three levels of understanding and the relevance of the two methods of research in question. This illustrated the importance of varying the methods of research used, to create a legitimate piece of research work it is vital to come at the work from different angles rather than taking a blinkered approach. This is vital all there can be no definite knowledge in research as there are so many variables and researchers take the research on for so many different reasons with so many different worldviews. Identifying applicable research strategies is almost as difficult as methodologies tend to differ according to the various factors found within the desired outcome. Yet methods cannot be orchestrated to generate this outcome from the data, but merely facilitate its collection and synthesis. Any successful research methodology does not, therefore, create knowledge, but rather is an applicable strategy for identifying and processing the information which exists. Hathaway (1995) stresses that there are decisions embedded within the creation and conduct of research methodologies that are generated both within the research setting and within the perceptions of the researcher. The concept of an unbiased methodology is thus inherently impossible: Are we creatures of reason and logic? Or are we better characterized as the victims of unconscious drives, forces and emotions? Does the different language we use really make such a difference in what we have to say? Are we saying something better and more academic if it is considered almost too technical for the reader to understand? Are texts considered more valid if they are difficult to understand and read? Are these technical essays and writings elitist, written by elitist academics just to be appreciated by like minded and like educated individuals? Why publish research ideas that are inaccessible to society? All researchers come to the experimentation process with preconceived opinions of how and why the research process should transpire. â€Å"When one chooses a particular research approach, one makes certain assumptions concerning knowledge, reality, and the researcher's role. These assumptions shape the research Endeavour, from the methodology employed to the type of questions asked. †(Hathaway 1995). So how do we carry out the most informed research possible? It is important not to take a ‘sat nav’ approach to the research, asking a question that you already know the answer to and not be prepared to change course along the way, the research process is the information that the researcher finds along the pathway to the research, the phenomena the researcher encounters along the pathway is as relevant as the final conclusion and it is vital to include this in the research process. If the research question is not working is it preferable to change the question or come at the research from a different angle rather than trying to fit your research question into every area of the study? Reynolds argues that the methodologist turns research technician, in spite of himself, and becomes an aimless itinerant, moving in whatever direction his research techniques summon him, studying changing patterns of voting because these are readily accessible to his techniques rather than the workings of political institutions and organizations for which he has not evolved satisfying techniques of investigation. Reynolds 190). In my own research on texting differences between adults and teens I will be using field work which will consist of focus groups with informal questioning and conversation, individual interviews and data analysis in the form of analyzing a number of text interactions in both focus groups. Bourdieu and the Importance of Reflexivity in Social Research. Is knowl edge independent of the situation of the knower, or a product of it? Bourdieu stresses the importance in reflexivity while conducting social research. The sociologist must at all times be aware of their own habitus, their position of thought and in life and how bringing this to research will affect the research outcome. According to Bourdieu it is impossible for our objectivity to remain unbiased and unprejudiced due to our preconceived habitus. It is only by maintaining such a continual vigilance that the sociologists can spot themselves in the act of importing their own biases into their work. Reflexivity is, therefore, a kind of additional stage in the scientific epistemology. If there is a single feature that makes Bourdieu stand out in the landscape of contemporary social theory’, wrote Loic J. D. Wacquant (1992: 36), ‘it is his signature obsession with reflexivity. ’ For Bourdieu, reflexivity is an epistemological principle which advises sociologists, as ‘objectifying subjects’, to turn their objectifying gaze upon themselves and become aware of the hidden assumptions that structure their research. Without this reflexive move, sociology cannot escape the ‘fallacies of scholasticism’ and loses its chances to provide a truly scientific analysis of the social world. Reflexivity requires an awareness of the researcher's contribution to the construction of meanings throughout the research process, and an acknowledgment of the impossibility of remaining ‘outside of' one's subject matter while conducting research. Reflexivity then, urges us â€Å"to explore the ways in which a researcher's involvement with a particular study influences, acts upon and informs such research. †(Nightingale and Cromby, 1999, p. 228). In the rush of interest in qualitative research in the past 15 years, few topics have developed as broad a consensus as the relevance of analytic â€Å"reflexivity. †(Macbeth 2001). Macbeth argues that contemporary expressions of reflexivity have attachments to critical theory, standpoint theory, textual deconstruction and sociologies and anthropologies of knowledge and power and agency with theorists such as Bourdieu and Wacquant at the forefront of this type of thinking. Bourdieu has problematised social research in relation to his concept of habitus stating that the researcher must at all times be aware of his habitus,(prevailing and long learned personal norms and biases, formed over a lifetime) and take steps to acknowledge this habitus by looking back on himself and his research with a critical eye. The postmodern condition is such that there are no certainties in social research as norms and values become intertwined, identities and culture intermingle and clash as do gender and sexualities, power is gained and lost through means of popularity alone and social researchers can only strive to explore every avenue of their research subject reflexively in the quest for knowledge and answers. In research this reflexivity can be put into two categories, personal reflexivity, which involves the researcher acknowledging their own habitus and how this is affecting their research and in turn affecting the researcher carrying out the research. The second is epistemological reflexivity which requires us to ask questions of the research such as: â€Å"How has the research question defined and limited what can be ‘found? ‘ How have the design of the study and the method of analysis ‘constructed' the data and the findings? How could the research question have been investigated differently? To what extent would this have given rise to a different understanding of the phenomenon under investigation? Thus, epistemological reflexivity encourages us to reflect upon the assumptions (about the world, about knowledge) that we have made in the course of the research, and it helps us to think about the implications of such assumptions for the research and its findings. †(Willig, 2001). The Use of Emotion in Social Research. Williams and Bendelow (1996), map the field of sociology of emotions onto the concerns of sociology: â€Å"emotions have fundamental implications for a range of pertinent sociological themes and issues including social action, agency and identity; social structure; gender, sexuality and intimacy; the embodiment of emotions across the life-course (from childhood to old age); health and illness; and the social organization of emotions in the workplace (formal and informal). Emotions play an important part in the field at a number of levels. It is important to realize that the researcher's identity and experiences shape the ideas with which they go into the field, their political and ideological stance, and there is an analytic cost if this interplay of person and research is not taken into consideration. The researcher takes assumptions and emotions into and generates emotions in the field about the researched. Kleinman and Copp (1993) suggest that if a researcher experiences negative emotions about their participants they would prefer to ignore, or repress those feelings, since to admit them might constitute a threat to their professional and personal identity. But these can be the very feelings (anger and disappointment perhaps) that could help the researcher to understand their own assumptions and their participants. It is clear to me that emotions are very important in fieldwork, both those of the participants and of the researchers. The researcher's emotions can have effects at the personal and professional levels, in relation to their understanding of their self and identity, and their capacity to perform in a fashion that they would themselves regard as professional, and these effects can be long term. A considerable amount of emotion work is called for in qualitative research, and often the dangers consequent on this are not recognized. In some instances researchers have been made quite ill (physically or emotionally) through their experiences of denying, ignoring or managing emotions. The emotions experienced by respondents in the field are data and need to be drawn into analysis and interpretation. It has been suggested here that emotions are important in the production of knowledge from a number of perspectives. In most cases, despite some unpleasant experiences, researchers value the extra power in understanding, analysis and interpretation that the emotions they experience in the field can bring to the research. In his article Hidden Ethnography: Crossing emotional Borders in Qualitive Accounts of Young People’s Lives. Shane Blackman concludes that different ethnographic episodes show how powerful feelings of emotions from love to hate grip both the researcher and the researched. He states that his fieldwork consisted of constant negotiation and respect with participants who allowed him access to their public and private spaces. He advises that to advance more open, reflexive approaches that explain how research is conducted and written, sociology needs greater disciplinary understanding and recognition of the real challenges and opportunities faced by qualitive research, which demands emotion. The Symbolic Order in Social Research. â€Å"The â€Å"Symbolic Order†achieved its currency in Anglo-Saxon human sciences by way of Jacques Lacan’s psychoanalytic theory but originated in Claude Levi-Strauss’s Les structures elementaires de la parente (1949) [translated into English as Elementary Structures of Kinship, 1969] which used the term to group the many different codes which constitute human societiesâ€â€from social identities and kinship relations to cooking and feasting rituals and religious observancesâ€â€in short all cultural practices and inscriptions, whatever their language. Levi-Strauss showed that patterns we can observe in one level are invariably linked to and determined by similar patterns in other levels†. (Clark 2004) How important is the symbolic order in social research? There are many factors to take into account when discussing the symbolic order in relation to research. Gusfield and Michalowicz argue that in recent years, sociologists and anthropologists have conducted â€Å"significant studies of modern life using concepts and perspectives derived from symbolic anthropology. Among anthropologists words like ritual, myth, ceremony and symbolism are central to the study of social life in primitive societies. In contemporary society they have been peripheral terms and the activities they denote have not usually been studied in modern societies. †(Gusfield and Michalowicz 1984). The symbolic is of huge importance in social research and cannot be separated from it. When researching we must ask, what is happening here? Recognizing the potentially multiple responses to this question illuminates the way in which meaning is mediated by cultural categories and structures of thought. This awareness of the social construction of reality, which Richard Brown calls symbolic realism (Brown 1977), implies that any segment of human, social activity can be experienced in different and in multiple ways by diverse actors and observers. David Blacker in his thesis argues that for Gadamer, all understanding  whether of a text or of another person  is interpretive. This means is that, whatever else it is and does, understanding moves in what Heidegger called a â€Å"hermeneutic circle. †This circle is productive of meaning. To generate meaning from a text, for example, one must always move around from whole to part and back again. The â€Å"whole†may be the language in which the text was written, the literary tradition to which it belongs, its historical period, the life circumstances of its author, and so on. This â€Å"whole,†then, provides the backdrop against which one gives significance to the â€Å"part,†e. g. , the particular words comprising the text, the individual work in question or the specific period of the author’s life. A helpful analogy is with understanding an ambiguous word within a sentence. If the meaning of the word itself is not immediately obvious, one must find it in its larger context. The newly appreciated meaning of the part (the word) then alters to a degree the meaning of the whole (the sentence). One never escapes â€Å"outside†this whole-part circuit  even the dictionary only relates words to other words. In my own research on ‘the difference in meaning of texting between teens and adults’ the symbolic order plays a large part. The mobile phone will mean different things to these two groups and these issues must be taken into account when formulating the research. Mobile telephone has been widely adopted by many people in society. As it integrates into daily life, it alters the way people communicate, identify their personalities and relate to others in social system. It affects socio-economic structures as well as individual life. Mobile telephone enables accessibility, emancipation, security and micro-coordination and serves as a symbol of prestige, pride and self-identity. The aim of this study is to explore the symbolic factors influencing the use of mobile telephone among teens and dults where in the case of adults the phone may be vital for communication; the teen may find it impossible to function socially without the use of the phone and the texting facility. Conclusion There is no way of determining a sure path for arriving at sociological knowledge; there is unlikely to be, just over the horizon, a new approach, paradigm or perspective to rescue us from the intellectual difficulties involved in a sociological theorizing which can giv e us a better understanding of our social world. Reynolds 339) As researchers we must be aware of our limitations in the social world in so much that we cannot really promise to theorize in a way that explains everything. This is not possible in life as there are too many different collective and individual ideas that are thousands of years in formation. In social research these variables and ideas must be acknowledged and given importance within the research area and with their relevance acknowledged the researcher may move on to the findings of her own particular studies. Karl Mannheim answers critics in letter to the members of a seminar on the sociology of knowledge, by stating that â€Å"if there are contradictions and inconsistencies in my paper this is, I think, not so much due to the fact that I have over looked them but because I make a point of developing a theme to its end even if it contradicts some other statements. I use this method because I think that in this marginal field of human knowledge we should not conceal the inconsistencies, so to speak covering up the wounds, but our duty is to show the sore spots in human thinking at its present stage. In a simple empirical investigation or straightforward logical argument, contradictions are mistakes; but when the task is to show that our whole thought system in its various parts leads to inconsistencies, these inconsistencies are the thorn in the flesh from which we have to start. The inconsistencies in our whole outlook, which in my presentation only become more visible, are due to the fact that we have two approaches which move on a different plane. (Mannheim in Reynolds 1970) David Hume held that we can never be absolutely sure that what we know is true. (Bernard 2006). He argues that we come to understand what is true from what we are exposed to. This reiterates the fact that research is personal even when we try our best to avoid this being the case. We can never be sure according to Hume what we know is true, Humes brand of skepticism is a fundamental principle of social science according to Bernard, â€Å"the scientific method, as it is understood today, involves making improvements in what we know, edging towards the truth, but never quiet getting there and always being ready to have yesterday’s truths overturned by today’s empirical findings.. †(Bernard). In the social sciences we can see sociologists, philosophers and social psychologists such as Michael Foucault, Fredriech Nietzsche, Pierrie Bourdieu and others changing their views on subjects and seemingly contradicting themselves but I would consider that this is paramount when conducting any type of research, as society evolves, technology changes and people become more individualized the world is changing rapidly so we as researchers must be open to change and not be afraid to re-examine our research and research motives to ensure that we are generating the most informed and comprehensible research possible. In the case of Foucault , Tom Keenan argues that â€Å"these contradictions and paradoxes do serve a very important strategic purpose since they allow to articulate a critique of the juridical discourse on a theoretical level. Foucault’s work produces paradoxa since it struggles against doxa, it seeks to place in question orthodoxies of political thought and leftist critique. It is contradictory since it contradicts dominant forms of critique that itself functions as a constraint for imagining political alternatives (Keenan 1987)†. Bibliography Blacker, D. (1993). Article on Education as the Normative Dimension of Philosophical Hermeneutics. University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign, USA. Bourdieu, P & Wacquant (1992). An Invitation to Reflexive Sociology. University of Chicago Press, Chicago. Burrell, G. , & Morgan, G. Sociological Paradigms and Organizational Analysis, Heinemann, 1979 Cuff. E. C, Sharrock. W. W, Francis. D. W (1998) Perspectives in Sociology. Fourth Edition. Routledge, London. Clark, R. (2004) â€Å"The Symbolic Order†. The Literary Encyclopedia. March 2004. Evered, R. , Louis, M. R. (1991), â€Å"Research perspectives†, in Craig Smith, N. , Dainty, P. (Eds),The Management Research Book, Routledge, London Gusfield. J & Michalowicz. J (1984). Secular Symbolism: Studies of Ritual, Ceremony and the Symbolic Order in Modern Life. Annual Reviews Inc 1084 Holland, J (2007) International Journal of Social Research Methodology. Volume 10 Issue 3. July 2007. Keenan, T, (1987) The ‘P aradox’ of Knowledge and Power: Reading Foucault on a bias, in: Political Theory, Vol. 5, No. 1, 1987. Kleinman, S. & Copp, M. A. (1993) Emotions and fieldwork. Sage, Newbury Park, CA Macbeth, D. (2001). On â€Å"reflexivity†in qualitative research: Two readings, and a third. Qualitative Inquiry. Morey, N. , and Luthans, F. (1984) â€Å"An Emic Perspective and Ethno Science Methods for Organizational Research,†Academy of Management Review (9:1), 1984. Nightingale, D. & Cromby, J. (Eds) (1999). Social constructionist psychology: A critical analysis of theory and practice. Buckingham: Open University Press. Reynolds, L & J (1970). The Sociology of Sociology. Analysis and Criticisim of the Thought, Research and Ethical Folkways of Sociology and its Practitioners. David McKay Company INC, New York. Van Maanen, J, (1979). â€Å"Reclaiming Qualitative Methods for Organizational Research: A Preface,†Administrative Science Quarterly, Vol. 24 Williams, S. J. & Bendelow, G. A. (1996b) Emotions and ‘sociological imperialism': A rejoinder to Craib. Willig. C, (2001) Introducing Qualitative Research in Psychology (p. 10).
Saturday, January 11, 2020
Fiscal Policy in the Philippines
The Philippines 2013 Budget is the national government’s blueprint of expenditures and sources of financing for the present year. It spells out the costs of government’s plans and operations for the entire fiscal year. More than that, however, crafted by a government that firmly believes that its sole purpose is to serve its true bosses the Filipino people this budget is the embodiment of our people’s collective hopes and desires. According to the present president Benigno Aquino III, as we move forward along the straight and righteous path, they have continuously planted and nurtured the seeds of reform with the annual Budgets enacted under this present Administration. They have prioritized the people’s most urgent needs in order to genuinely and efficiently address poverty and inequality. They proposed P2. 006-trillion National Budget for 2013 which 10. 5 percent higher than this year’s budget of P1. 816 trillion. This Budget pursues empowerment by creating more opportunities for public participation in governance. It invests significantly in the people’s capabilities by prioritizing funding for public services that provide jobs, educate our youth, ensure a healthier citizenry, and empower each Filipino to participate in economic activity. To ensure the swift fulfillment of our Social Contract, the administration has adopted policy measures to help national agencies accelerate their completion of priority program targets. They have to utilize our funds in a manner that is faster and more efficient, so that we can accomplish our critical programs and projects ahead of time. They have designated the Department of Public Works and Highways (DPWH) as the principal infrastructure agency. This means that they will take charge of the timely implementation of critical infrastructure projects, including roads and bridges, classrooms, rural health facilities, farm-to-market roads, bridges for agrarian reform communities and tourism access roads, as well as other projects identified in the master plans of departments tasked with the primary provision of these infrastructures: the Departments of Education (DepEd), Health (DoH), Agriculture (DA), Agrarian Reform (DAR) and Tourism (DoT). Our proposed Budget for 2013 deepens our performance budgeting and performance management system. Right now, our performance management system in government is unacceptably fragmented. It has caused much confusion among agencies, and has had them needlessly complying with redundant requirements. At worst, it has allowed an attitude of accountability avoidance in certain public institutions. The remedy this matter the president issued Administrative Order No. 25 â€Å"Creating an Inter-Agency Task Force on the Harmonization of National Government Performance Monitoring, Information and Reporting Systems. †This Task Force led by the DBM and the Office of the Executive Secretary will streamline and simplify all existing monitoring and reporting requirements and processes into a single Results-Based Performance Management System (RBPMS). This will entail the development of a Common Set Performance Scorecard as well as a Government Executive Information System. As to present administration, this Budget is designed as a tool we can use to instill the highest standards of integrity and accountability in government. It seeks to strengthen our efforts in rebuilding the people’s trust in public institutions through greater transparency, accountability, and citizen participation in government.
Thursday, January 2, 2020
Free People Marketing Plan Essay example - 2017 Words
Free People-Company report Overall Store Profile 1.What type of store are you analyzing? (department, specialty, etc) what is the stores image and does the merchandise fit the image? 1. Free people is an innovative specialty retail company which offers a variety of lifestyle merchandise to highly defined customer niches in the United States Canada, and Europe, catalogs and websites. Their stores are very sixties and seventies inspired. Free People offers a merchandise mix of casual women’s apparel, shoes, and accessories. The stores all have a bohemian style that is inspired by a casual mix of hippie, ethnic, gypsy and vintage elements. The stores are all very colorful with vibrant and loud colors†¦show more content†¦As I walked into the studio city location, the sales associates welcomed me right away and asked me if I was looking for anything in particular. I have been working in retail for about 5 years now and if the sales professionals doesn’t acknowledge me throughout my visit, I refuse to buy anything. Customer service is a very important aspect in retail and if the store lacks it, it will definitely reflect on their sales. I spoke with the manager very briefly and she happily answered my questions and also asked me if I was looking for a job. Specific classification analysis 5. The women’s sweaters were the key items in the store and are a must have for the Fall/Winter season. The store was loaded with different styles like cardigans, ponchos, pullovers and tunics. Free people is known for their sweaters and they make sure they have a huge variety of styles, colors and patterns. There was a pretty balanced assortment. It was more of a deep assortment as to narrow in most of the styles. 6. Free people is its own brand, they do not work with any other vendors or designers. 7. Price range emphasis. 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